“Gerő suggested it, and Rákosi consented, adding that he had talked it over with Soviet comrades. . . . Politically, I think... my activities were very negative. Thinking about it now, I know that accepting the premiership was a bad decision,” András Hegedüs said in his 1985 oral history interview conducted by democratic opposition figure Zoltán Zsille, broadcast on Radio Free Europe and also distributed in samizdat in print.
A man smoking cigarette on a bench, arguing with the journalist Henrik Havas, complains that “a fraudulent and brutally undemocratic electoral law has been drawn up in secret . . .  with privileged groups calling themselves opposition.” This is Hungary not in the 2010s or 2020s, but in 1989, as put by György Krassó, one of the first critics of the regime change.
2022 marks the 70th anniversary of one of the most infamous events in post-WWII Soviet Jewish history. On the night between August 12 and 13, 1952, known as the Night of the Murdered Poets, 13 members of the Jewish Anti-Fascist Committee (JAC)—intellectuals, scientists, Yiddish poets and writers, all Soviet citizens of Jewish origin—were executed in Moscow’s Lubyanka prison. The victims were charged with espionage against the Soviet state and “nationalist activity,” which meant treason.
The Dialogue Peace Group was established, after some prior planning, at a gathering on June 26, 1982, 40 years ago today, according to most contemporary sources and historical research. At the time, there were the wide-ranging international peace movements of the West, while on the other side of the Iron Curtain there was the “peace-fighting” peace movement of Socialist countries. In Hungary, the National Peace Council played the role of the official, thus exclusive and centrally managed peace movement.
According to UNHCR’s statistics, in 2022 the number of people forced to flee their homes has exceeded 100 million for the first time. Five million refugees have left Ukraine since February alone, with another seven million internally displaced.
Even though the Cold War was a multipolar and multi-aspect geopolitical tension between rival superpowers and their allies, when referring to the postwar world order, one most often thinks about the strictly defined positions of the United States and the Soviet Union, non-aligned and satellite countries.
In two chapters, we revisit the milestones of the Ukrainian democratic transition following 1989. The first part, through archival television footage, recounted the country’s path to state sovereignty. Now we explore how Ukraine in 1991 declared its independence, and how in 1992 celebrated its first anniversary.
In two chapters, we revisit the milestones of the Ukrainian democratic transition following 1989. The first part explores the social movements and events that defined the country’s path toward state sovereignty, and later independence. We look at these decisive years through archival material held at Blinken OSA. In this counter-archive, the vast holdings on the Cold War anticipate a large collection on democratic transition in Central and Eastern Europe.
“Sarajevo, the biggest concentration camp in the world,” wrote Arma Tanović at the age of 15. Arma was one of the Sarajevan kids and teenagers, who, a year into the siege, sent letters to their American pen pals, in which they introduced themselves and their daily challenges hardly imaginable for others, and asked their unknown friends to do everything they could to stop the war.
British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher traveled to the Soviet Union in March 1987; it was her first official visit to Moscow since in office for seven years, and she was the first UK leader to visit the USSR in 12 years.